Candidates targeted
1
races with outside spending
pac · NY
An outside-spending committee: $81K in independent expenditures ($81K supporting, $0 opposing candidates) - reported to the FEC, and by law not contributions to any campaign.
The verdict
MARCH FOR OUR LIVES ACTION FUND is an outside-spending committee: it made $81K in independent expenditures across 1 candidate, mostly supporting ($81K).
Candidates targeted
1
races with outside spending
Supporting
$81K
independent expenditures for
Opposing
$0
independent expenditures against
Money this committee spent independently to support or oppose candidates, reported to the FEC, and by law not contributions to any campaign and not coordinated with it.
| Candidate | Supporting | Opposing |
|---|---|---|
| Kamala Harris | $81K | - |
MARCH FOR OUR LIVES ACTION FUND is an outside-spending committee: rather than contributing to candidates' committees, it reported $81K in independent expenditures to the Federal Election Commission - $81K advocating for candidates and $0 opposing them, across 1 race. By law these expenditures are made independently of, and uncoordinated with, any campaign, and they are not subject to contribution limits, which is how a single committee can deploy this scale of money. They are reported here separately from contributions because they are a fundamentally different mechanism of political influence.
Its lobbying profile spans 2 reporting years across 2 distinct LDA issue areas, with emphasis on Firearms/Guns/Ammunition, Education.
| Year | Amount |
|---|---|
| 2024 | $16K |
| 2023 | $10K |
MARCH FOR OUR LIVES ACTION FUND has a combined political influence footprint of $26K, made up of $26K in lobbying expenditures. This data comes from FEC filings, Senate LDA disclosures, and USAspending.gov records for 2023-2024.
MARCH FOR OUR LIVES ACTION FUND spent $26K on federal lobbying. Key issue areas include Firearms/Guns/Ammunition, Education. Lobbying disclosures are filed under the Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) and are public record.
PlainInfluence aggregates data from three federal sources: the Federal Election Commission (FEC) for campaign contributions, the Senate Office of Public Records for lobbying disclosures under the Lobbying Disclosure Act, and USAspending.gov for federal contract awards. Data covers the 2023-2024 reporting period.
Total influence is a convenience sum of three different official populations: FEC campaign contributions (2024 election cycle), Senate LDA lobbying expenditures (2023 and 2024 filing years, summed), and USAspending federal contract obligations (fiscal year 2024). It is not a single-population metric and must not be read as a rate or strategy share. Channel dollars are shown side by side; see /methodology#cross-stage-populations.
Read our methodology - how this data is sourced, computed, and verified. Verify the underlying filings at fec.gov/data.
Every figure on PlainInfluence is rendered directly from official FEC, Senate LDA and USAspending records, no number is typed in by an editor. Contribution, lobbying, and contract totals are aggregated directly from FEC, Senate LDA, and USAspending bulk data, no figure is hand-entered. Disclosed contributions, lobbying, and contracts are lawful, regulated activities, appearing on this page is not an allegation of wrongdoing. See our editorial standards & corrections policy, the methodology behind these numbers, our disclaimer, or report a data error. Data current as of 2023-2024.